Codex Sinaiticus
Writing the New TestamentThe Jesus TraditionSurviving Copies of the Gospels A gap of about 175 years separates Jesus from the earliest surviving copies of the gospels.
"Today we know of just over thirty papyrus manuscripts of New Testament books which can be dated before the fourth century. That number is small in comparison with the scores of copies of Homer and the dozens of copies of other famous Greek authors."
"The Four Gospels are indeed difficult sources; their initial selection from the dragnet does not mean that they are guaranteed to represent the historical words and deeds of Jesus. Shot through and through with the Easter faith of the early Church, highly selective, and ordered according to various theological programs, the canonical Gospels demand careful, critical sifting if they are to yield reliable information for the quest."
"The problems for the reconstruction of the best archetype for the manuscript tradition is more or less identical with the assumed autograph is precarious. The oldest known archetypes are separated from the autographs by more than a century. Textual critics of classical texts know that the first century of their transmission is the period in which the most serious corruptions occur."
"We must learn to consider the gospels of the New Testament canon, in the form in which they existed before 180 C.E., in the same light in which we consider the apocrypha. At this earlier time the gospels were what the apocrypha never ceased to be. Like the apocrypha, the gospels of the New Testament were not yet canonical; they did not circulate together [for example, only Luke and John are present in Papyrus 45], and when they did, they did not always appear in the same sequence [for example, the order Matthew, John, Luke, Mark in Codex Bezae]."
The Oral Tradition C. H. Roberts, an expert on Greek papyrus books, suggests that actions and even the words of Jesus could have been recorded in shorthand by a scribe on the day they happened. The overwhelming opion of most scholars today is that the words of Jesus were transmitted orally for several decades before being set down on parchment or papyrus.
"...No witness simply hands down a complete, photograph-like description of an event; rather he [or she] selects, alters, interprets, and rationalizes. Insofar as this is true, an element of judgment is necessarily present. But... judgments are not mere random inventions or isolated occurrences of thought. They presuppose other judgments, beliefs, and opinions as the background against which they occur and in the light of which they have meaning. What a witness thinks he [or she] sees is in large part filtered through the prism of his/her own individual mode of perception and conception which, in turn, is heavily influenced by the modes of thought of the culture of which he/she is a part. Men/and women are historical creatures, and their judgments reflect the 'world' that they bring with them and to which they appeal in support of those judgments.
"...The burden of OT interpretive 'proofs' applied to the historic Jesus was such that many voices must have been transmitting the 'traditions' which found their way into the apologetics, instruction, and liturgical usages of the church. Inviting as it may be to reduce 'tradition' to the level of 'sayings,' any such lists of sayings, whether we think of them as perpetuated in some form of 'Q' or of Gospel of Thomas, HAD to have frameworks determined by usage or they would not have survived!
"Walter Ong SJ, in his celebrated book Orality and Literacy (1982; frequently reprinted), has examined the whole question of text fixity in oral societies and concluded, in essence, that there is no such thing. Oral traditions do not hand down texts in fixed form. They hand them down in approximate form, with much creative addition and subtraction, and with the constant re-improvising off a general narrative basis that is the real oral method revealed by the work of Parry and Lord. The idea of text fixity is inherently a product of a society affected by writing, and is not found in a pure oral society."
"Now what happens as an oral tradition arises about an historical event or an historical person is that, strangely enough, the first oral tradition is not an attempt to remember exactly what happened, but is rather a return into the symbols of the tradition that could explain an event. Therefore, one has to imagine that legend and myth and hymn and prayer are the vehicles in which oral traditions develop. The move into a formulated tradition that looks as if it was a description of the actual historical events is actually the end result of such a development. Only the later writer would bring a report about Jesus' suffering that has the semblance of the report of the actual events, one after another, that happened. One could, for example, imagine that the oldest way in which the early Christians told about Jesus' suffering and death was the hymn that Paul quotes in Philippians 2, about the one who was in the form of God who humiliated himself and was obedient even to death on the cross, and was therefore raised high up by God. This was a very old hymn. Paul quotes this hymn when he writes Philippians, that is, in the early 50s of the first century. He quotes this as a hymn that probably was sung in the Christian communities, ten or twenty years earlier. That is the way in which you first tell the story. And that you tell the story in the form of a hymn also shows that the telling of the story is anchored in the worship life of the community. So here is really the beginning of the oral tradition. And it becomes story as it is retold, resung....It could be resung as a hymn, but retold as a narrative, again in the worship setting of the community."
"It is also important that the 1st century was not an oral society in Ong's terms. Writing was commonplace. Promising young Jews learned their tradition by reciting and internalizing the written texts of Judaism; those in Hellenized areas used instead the Greek Septuagint, but all had a precise textual basis, which was in turn in the custody of learned rabbis collectively. Ordinary persons such as travelling merchants communicated with their wives back home by writing letters. Writing and its expectations had pervaded every sphere of life. " Most of the population, however, was illiterate, particularly the Galilean peasantry who formed the core of Jesus' constituency. Paul and his Hellenized cosmopolitan followers would have most likely been the first to set down any sayings and stories about Jesus into writing.
"The dates assigned to some of these supposed 'oral texts' put them very close to within a generation of the crucifixion of Jesus. At that range, there would seem to be available no established transmission mechanism that it is worthwhile to call 'oral tradition,' but instead these two options: (1) the personal memory of eyewitnesses, or (2) the personal memory of those who had heard the accounts of eyewitnesses. Reliance on the vague phrase 'oral tradition' under these circumstances, especially in reference to a thoroughly literized and urbanized society, seems questionable." None of the authors of the canonical Gospels identity themselves, although Church tradition says that the apostle Peter dictated his account of Jesus life to the author of Mark in Rome. (See The Gospel According to Mark for details.) The other canonical gospels are believed by most biblical scholars to be secondary or tertiary sources which used Mark and possibly even earlier narrative material (the hypothetical Cross Gospel and Signs Gospel), a collection of sayings (Q) and new passages created by the authors themselves. (Each author expresses a distinct theological viewpoint which is expressed in the inaugural speech of Jesus.) The assigning of the authorship to the gospels was likely a matter of guesswork and the desire of later church officials to impart the gospels with apostolic authority. (The author of the Gospel of Thomas identifies himself as Didymus Judas Thomas.) If the writers of the gospels were not present at the events they describe, would they have had access to actual eyewitnesses? It is uncertain to what extent the literate and predominantly Greek speaking members of Paul's community in Asia Minor and Europe were in direct contact with the Jewish community in Jerusalem. Letters traveled, emissaries were sent but there was a decided measure of hostility and distrust between the leaders of the two communities over the issue of gentile conversion. Paul may have known Peter but he only traveled twice to Jerusalem to meet with the other apostles (c. 48 C.E. and c. 58 C.E.) Only the Gospel of John, which was written approximately 70 years after Jesus death, claims to incorporate an actual eyewitness account. Referring to the Beloved Disciple, Jesus says::
Memoirs During the Time of Paul
"...Some relatively early texts already reflect a high christology: e.g., the pre-Pauline hymn in Phil 2:6-11 probably existed in Aramaic and may go back to the first or second Christian decade."
"When Paul happened to write a letter to his converts in Galatia (c. 49/50), he had no idea that he was writing the earliest Christian text which would survive for us, some fifteen years, perhaps, before any of our Gospels existed. Notoriously, Paul's surviving letters are not particularly concerned to quote Jesus's exact sayings at every opportunity: their concern is with Jesus as the risen Christ, although Paul's oral teaching, now lost to us, may have had a different focus."
"The Greek of each of Paul's letters is stylish, grammatical, and erudite, and this is made all the more remarkable by the fact that Hebrew thought, Hebrew language forms, and Hebrew word-play may be discerned behind much of what they contain. Examples are legion, but one may serve to illustrate."
"In 1 Corinthians 1:17-25, the words... 'we preach Christ crucified, unto the Jews a stumbling block, and unto the Greeks foolishness; But unto them which are called, both Jews and Greeks, Christ the Power of God, and the wisdom of God'... are an extended parachesis of Hebrew words which sound similar...
"...There is nothing in Paul's letters that either hints at the existence of the Gospels or that even talks of a need for such biographical memoirs of Jesus Christ. Paul, the New Testament says, never saw the earthly Jesus but was totally convinced of his divinity. He was, he says, 'an apostle, not by human appointment or human commission, but by commission from Jesus Christ and from God the Father." [Galatians 1:1 NEB]
"...It is noteworthy that, except for the words of the institution of the Lord's Supper themselves, Paul does not in any of his epistles quote the exact words of any of the saying so Jesus as we now have them in the Gospels. Nor does he mention a single event in the life of Jesus - again except for the institution of the Lord's Supper - between his birth and his death on the cross. From the writings of Paul we would not be able to know that Jesus ever taught in parables and proverbs or that he performed miracles or that he was born of a virgin. For that information we are dependent on the oral tradition of the early Christian communities as this was eventually deposited in the Gospels, all of which, in their present form at any rate, probably appeared later than most or all of the epistles of Paul." Paul does on occasion quote teachings of Jesus, however (i.e., on divorce in 1 Corinthians 7:10 and 11b). In addition, there is a strong correspondence between several verses in Paul's letter to the Romans and the Sermon on the Mount, including:
"There is not a single mention or even a hint of Paul's letters in the Gospels. Their vision seems far removed from the practicalities that are spelled out in Paul's letters. His main theme is Jesus' message of God's love for the world and also Christ's assertion that the ending of the world is imminent; his historical view is sharp and certain. In comparison, the Gospels often seem uncertain of their central message and of their central character; Jesus' purposes on earth seem curiously elusive....The Gospels' portrait of Jesus seems to be separated from real time. The central character is set in a rambling series of incidents and sermons, engaged in a mysterious progress revolving around an unstated drama that finally ensures his capture and death."
Constructing the Gospels
"Paul insists that there is only one 'gospel of Christ' (Galatians 1:7), so why did later Christians accept as 'Scripture' four written gospels?"
"In the eighteenth century the central problem facing the student of the Gospels was that of chronology. True chronology was regarded as essential for true history. The conflicting chronologies of the four canonical Gospels cast doubt in the minds of thinking men concerning the reliability of these documents as trustworthy witnesses....The older type of Gospel 'harmonies' designed to reconcile the accounts of all four Gospels were replaced by a new type of Gospel 'parallel,' where no attempt was made to include the Gospel of John, except where in isolated instances there was some evidence of a close connection between John and one or more of the other three. This reflected a consciousness that Matthew, Mark, and Luke were more closely related to one another than they were to John." These three related gospels, Mark, Matthew and Luke, are known as the synoptic ("eye to eye") gospels,
"As the three synoptic authors are not primary and had never known Jesus closely, this material (whose scope is unclear at the edges) is evidence for his posthumous impact, for early Christian points of view, not the historical Jesus' own teaching."
The gospel writers "constructed the memories out of common lore, drawn in large part from the Greek Bible, the message of John the Baptist, and their own emerging convictions about Jesus as the expected messiah, the Anointed."
"A writer would not normally refer back to [earlier] reading to verify individual references, and would instead rely on his memory, or on the briefest of notes...Stray facts and additions would be recalled from the preliminary available reading, but it would be a very different matter to recall the detail of an episode's presentation...Such a procedure seems less perverse in view of the physical difficulties of working with papyrus rolls...[with] non-existent or rudimentary...indexing, chapter-headings, line- and column-numbering...Even if, for example, a slave held a second roll for an author to compare accounts, or the author himself used a book-rest, combining versions would still be awkward."
The Role of the Sacred Story Teller
"Traditional Jewish sources talk about four progressively deeper levels of exegesis of a text: pshat, drash, remez, and sode (plain meaning, inquiry, hint and secret). (Note that the 'house' of Hillel was a 'Beit midrash' - literally a 'House of Inquiry' and that term is still used today to describe the large hall in a traditional Yeshiva where studying takes place, usually in small groups.)
The Gospels are Jewish books "written, to a greater or lesser degree, in the midrashic style of the Jewish sacred storyteller, a style that most of us do not begin even now to comprehend. This style is not concerned with historic accuracy. It is concerted with meaning and understanding. [For example} the Jewish writers of antiquity interpreted God's presence to be with Joshua after the death of Moses by repeating the parting of the waters story (Joshua 3)....When the story of Jesus' baptism was told, the gospel writers asserted that Jesus parted not the Jordan River, but the heavens."
Philip Alexander, "an expert on Judaism of the second Temple period, has made the case quite convincingly that midrash is a genre and it is a genre that is constituted by lemma + commentary. It will not do to apply it to the Gospels." While the re-working of Old Testament material in the gospels cannot technically be called midrash (since passages are usually taken with no commentary), the principle of imaginative exposition or didactic story still applies.
"We find that the same procedure was followed by the biblical interpreters who authored the pesharim [in the Dead Sea Scrolls]. The authors of these texts drew passages from the prophets out of their contexts and applied them to events in the immediate past or future - events that they believed had eschatological significance. Thus, the New Testament authors were using a method of argumentation and interpretation that would have been quite familiar to at least a portion of their Jewish audience. The early midrashists of rabbinic Judaism would themselves build upon this method, which must have been popular not only among members of the Yahad movement but also among many Jewish authors in intertestamental times except for the Sadducees."
The Use of the Old Testament and Aramaic Sources
"The composition of speeches to present dramatically what an author thought might have been said in historic situations was a common practice among ancient historians, one defended and exemplified by Thucydides himself (The Peloponnesian War 1.22). However, Thucydides insisted that when events were concerned he would report only what had actually happened."
"Words borrowed from the fund of common lore or the Greek scriptures are often put on the lips of Jesus." "Jesus was not the only one and probably not the first to say it. In the parallel to the Markan passage, Matthew adds a sentence taken from the prophet Hosea (Matt 9:13): "The tendency of the gospel writers, especially Matthew, was to make the event fit the prophecies lifted (and occasionally edited) from the Old Testament. In addition, the gospel writers did not hesitate to take words from the Greek scriptures and put them on the lips of Jesus, because these words, too, were sacred words." - Robert W. Funk, Roy W. Hoover, and the Jesus Seminar, The Five Gospels
"British theologians...discovered a variety of Aramaic sources within the gospels attesting to older traditions contained in them" including some passages of Matthew's Sermon on the Mount."
"...There is more evidence of Essene [Enochian Judaic] influence in the post-Pauline epistles (especially Ephesians) than in the undisputed letters of Paul (notably Galatians and Romans). There is more evidence of Essene influence in Matthew and John, than in Mark, which antedates them."
"By adding a lection from the gospel to their synagogue tradition, some Jewish communities moved in the early decades of Christian history to incorporate Jesus specifically into the worship life of the Jewish people....When the Church entered the more hellenized and gentile world, the original synagogue reading from the Jewish scriptures were more and more de-emphasized or replaced by readings from the Gospels, the Acts, and the Epistles."
"...The version of the Gospels, honored by the Mohammedans, is not the Vulgate of the Western world, which they repudiate as second-hand and as an unreliable translation. But it was the Eastern version of the Gospels, the Peshitta, which means clear, straight and popularly accepted. This name is justified by its clarity of style, directness of expression and simplicity of language. This was the version which the people of this region knew and used before they became Mohammedans. This is, moreover, the authentic and official version of what once constituted the original Eastern church, the Mother Church of Christendom."
"The Eastern Version originally consisted of twenty-two books of the New Testament. The Revelation and the four Epistles of II Peter, II John, III John and Jude were not included. The Revelation was accepted after the Council of Nicaea, 325 A.D., but many of the Eastern bishops in Persia rejected it."
Sayings Gospel Q
A Common Source?
"In addition to the verbal agreements Matthew and Luke share with Mark, they also have striking verbal agreements in passages where Mark offers nothing comparable. There are about two hundred verses that fall into this category."
"Out of a total of 662 verses, Mark has 406 in common with Matthew and Luke, 145 with Matthew, 60 with Luke, and at most 51 peculiar to itself."
"The synoptic problem is
The use of Mark by both Matthew and Luke is known as the "triple tradition". Material common to Matthew and Luke but not Mark is known as the "double tradition" This material consists not only of sayings but some narrative elements as well (i.e., the Temptation of Jesus (Matthew 4:2-10 // Luke 4:1b-13) and the Centurion's Servant (Matthew 8:5-13 // Luke 7:2-10 - colored black by the Jesus Seminar).
- John Wenham, Redating Matthew, Mark & Luke (1991), p. 54 A particularly good example of the double tradition is John the Baptist's speech to the Pharisees and Sadducees ("you spawn of Satin!") in Matthew 3:7-10 // Luke 3:7-9 where verbal agreement is 99%.
Matthew's and Luke's Gospels may share "a common source, rather than from Luke's use of Matthew: it is widely believed to have been a written work and thus available to two different authors at different times." This hypothetical common source has been labeled the Sayings Gospel Q from the German Quelle or "Source".
The Contents of Q
"Composed by the fifties, and possibly at Tiberias in Galilee, it [Sayings Gospel Q] contains no passion or resurrection account but presumes the same myth of divine Wisdom as do the Gospel of Thomas and the Gospel of Hebrews."
"Recent scholarship on the Q Gospel, and especially the work of John S. Kloppenborg, has argued for two principal layers in the composition of that gospel. The earlier one emphasized primarily life-style and missionary activity that, despite the expectation of opposition and even persecution, was remarkable open and hopeful."
"I would suggest that Greek Q1 [the earlier layer] and Greek Thomas had a common ancestor in Aramaic 'source.' At this point Q and Thomas had different redactional trajectories, Greek Thomas becoming an ascetic work and eventually utilized by Gnostics.... 'Q,' therefore is not a common non-Markan source between Luke and Matthew but a translational Greek document used by Matthew alone while Luke translated a first generation Aramaic 'source' himself....a Lukan 'Q.'"
"Later came a second one [layer], far more dark and defensive, threatening dire apocalyptic vengeance against 'this generation' for refusing to accept that missionary activity."
"...The sayings in which Jesus speaks of himself or his disciples as sheep among wolves, innocent outcasts in an evil generation and a wicked world destined for destruction, are probably products of his follower's reflection on his fate. The probability is clearest in sayings based on the crucifixion, for instance, that anyone who would be saved must 'take up his cross,' but the rest are suspect too, because there is no reliable evidence that he or his followers suffered any significant persecution before his last days in Jerusalem."
"Yet the sayings material, viewed as a whole, is not what we would expect of a prophet of Jewish restoration. It is not focused on the nation of Israel. Jesus is not depicted (except in the opening summaries in the synoptics) as calling all Israel to repent, there is no teaching material about the reassembled twelve tribes (Matt. 19.28) cannot be considered 'teaching'), and in the material which can reasonably be considered authentic there is no prediction of a general judgment cast in terms of groups (leaving Matt. 25 out of account as inauthentic). The sayings material is markedly individual in tone, and when collective terms are used they do not imply 'all Israel': 'little flock', the 'poor', and the 'sinners'." While Q is said to have been composed only of sayings, there are a number of narrative settings for the material and a clear narrative sequence.
Q 3.21-22: Jesus is baptized by John Q 4.1-13: Jesus is led by the Spirit into the wilderness to be tempted by the devil who then leaves him Q 4.16 Jesus is in Nazara [though only given a C rating by the IQP] Q 6.20 (etc.): Jesus addresses his disciples Q 7.1: after finishing his sermon, Jesus enters Capharnaum Q 7.2-10: Jesus heals a Centurion's boy Q.7.18-35: John sends disciples to Jesus with a question, which Jesus answers.
"Clearly John has to have been introduced (3.2-3) before one can have his preaching. Likewise, his identity is taken for granted in the baptism of Jesus (3.21-22) just as Jesus' identity as Son of God (3.21-22) is taken for granted in the Temptation narrative (4.1-13, 'If you are . . .'). John's arrest and imprisonment (clearly subsequent to John's ministry) is taken for granted in 7.18-35, which pericope itself takes for granted a period of preaching and healing by Jesus (provided in 6.20ff, 7.1ff etc.)."
(2) Arguments Against Q
Major Agreements
(The allusion here is to the kingdom of God. For the sake of comparison I have included the quote from the Gospel of Thomas [which was voted red by the Jesus Seminar].)
"Goulder has argued that Matthew and Luke had no further sources: Matthew had only Mark and Old Testament; Luke had only Mark, Matthew and the Old Testament. Thus the material attributed by many to Q and other sayings sources was composed by Matthew and Luke."
"I believe that Luke and Matthew copied Mark and that Luke also copied Matthew,' says E. P. Sanders, a professor of religion at Duke University, the author of the recent book The Historical Figure of Jesus, and a leading Q nonbeliever. Sanders says that his theory of Gospel composition explains the similarities far more simply than any of the two-document theories: 'I think it accounts in the most direct way for the majority of the parallel material in Matthew and Luke'." Goulder claims that Q's vocabulary is indistinguishable from Matthew's, but Dr. Mark Goodacre "discovered Matthean and Lucan vocabulary in roughly equal proportions...Especially problematic for Goulder's theory are the Lord's Prayer, the Messengers from John and the Lament over Jerusalem."
"While critics can call attention to several passages in Greek manuscripts where the text of Matthew and Luke contains some identical wording that is not found in any extant copy of Mark, it remains true that there is no general pattern of verbal agreement between Matthew and Luke against Mark in the triple tradition. It is a demonstrable fact in passage after passage that the Greek text of Mark is the mediating term in verbal agreements with either or both of the other synoptics. The converse is also demonstrable: where Matthew and Luke differ from the wording of Mark in the triple tradition they also usually differ from each other." Michael Goulder would argue that the author of Luke omitted and made major changes to the content and position of non-Markan passages because he wanted his narrative sequence to faithfully parallel the reading of the Torah. Dr. Mark Goodacre has pointed out major shortcomings in Goulder's thesis, however, and argues that the Luke's reordering of Matthew resulted from Luke's perspective as a novelist.
"'Matthew's order' is precisely that, Matthew's order and it is straightforward to see why Luke would have wanted to alter it. Whereas Matthew's order is more wooden, with its five great edifices (5-7, 10, 13, 18, 24-25), Luke has a plausible, sequential narrative. In the words of Luke Johnson, his narrative is 'essentially linear, moving the reader from one event to another . . . Instead of inserting great blocks of discourse into the narrative, Luke more subtly interweaves deeds and sayings' (Anchor Bible Dictionary IV, 405- 6)."
This argument could just as easily apply to Luke's handling of verses from a sayings gospel. To my mind, the biggest argument against Luke having any knowledge of the Gospel of Matthew lies not the order but in the content of the narrative, especially material not inherited from the Gospel of Mark. Whole sections in the Gospel of Luke are completely different from those in Matthew (i.e., the nativity of Jesus and resurrection appearances); key events happen in different locations (i.e., the sermon on the mount/plain); and passages from the Old Testament are applied differently as "prophesy historicized" (i.e., Psalm 69:21 - "drugged" or "poisoned" wine at Jesus' crucifixion.)
Minor Agreements (MAs) For example:
- Dr. Mark S. Goodacre, Goulder and the Gospels: An Examination of a New Paradigm (1996), p. 117
"There are two places in Mark where the word
autwn ['their'] is used without the antecedent, meaning 'the Jews'. This use is congenial to Matthew, who has it in all seven times in his Gospel, this being one: 'their scribes', 'their synagogues' are tacitly contrasted with 'our scribes', 'our synagogues' in a Jewish-Christian community. It is not so congenial to Luke who, as a Gentile Christian, did not have a synagogue, or scribes in his Church: and Luke has the expression only one in the gospel and Acts, here." "Mt. 8.27 // Mk 4.41 // Lk. 8.25 features anemoV ['winds'] plural in Matthew and Luke against the singular in Mark. The plural comes only here in Luke (and once in Acts) but Matthew uses it five times including once elsewhere, redactionally, in this passage." - Dr. Mark S. Goodacre, Goulder and the Gospels: An Examination of a New Paradigm (1996), p. 124
"Similarly, at Mt. 14:13 // Mk 6.33 // Lk. 9.11 (E.2.d), Matthew and Luke agree against Mark in the combination
oi ocloi ['crowds'] +
akolouqew ['followed'] which outside of this MA comes four times in Matthew, each time redactionally, and never in Luke. Further,
ochloV ['people/crowd'] plural comes four times in Matthew's account (Mt. 14.13-21) but only here in Luke's."
"In Mt. 22.27 // Mk 12.22 // Lk. 20.32 (E.2.e), Matthew and Luke agree in using
usteron ['lastly'] (Matthew +
pantwn) ['altogether'] where Mark has
escaton pantwn ['last of all']. Matthew uses
usteron six times elsewhere, twice redactionally, including Mt. 21.27 where it is again parallel to
escaton ['last in time'] in Mark (12:6) and used to represent the last in a series, as also at Mt. 26.60 R. Luke has the word only here."
"Two noticeable MAs are not discussed by Goulder, Mt. 12.15 // Mk 3.10 // Lk. 6.19, the addition of
paV ['all'] (E.2.a), and Mt. 26.47 // Mk 14.43 // Lk. 22.47, the addition of
idou ['behold'] (E.2.f). The first of these is significant because Matthew uses
paV of the sick six times elsewhere, often redactionally, but Luke never does. The second of these is important because Matthew has
idou ten times elsewhere after a genitive absolute; Luke never does. Matthew has
idou with the genitive absolute at least four times redactionally and on three of these occasions, as here, the
idou interrupts people speaking (Mt. 9.18 R; 12:46 R and 17.5 R)."
"...Both Matthew and Luke qualify the number
pentakiscilioi ['five thousand'] with
wsei ['about'].
wsei with numbers or measures comes only here in Matthew, for whom
wsei is twice elsewhere used with images. Luke often uses
wsei in this way (1/0/7+4), often redactionally, including in the same verse, Lk. 9.14b R. Further, where Matthew has the nearly identical wording in 15.38, he does not use
wsei." For more on the Q controversy see the relevant sections in Matthew and Luke.
Non-Canonical Texts
(1) Gospel of Thomas
Dating
"Greek Thomas was popular enough as of somewhat before c. 200 that three scribally distinct copies of it (Oxy #1, 654, 655, no two written by the same person) were made in close enough proximity to turn up in the same rubbish heap....The text remained popular enough between c. 200 and c. 400 to have gone into a Coptic translation."
"The Coptic version of this saying is deficient, based perhaps on a scribal error. The Greek version is closer to the original." "In the Coptic version of Thomas these verses are omitted here, but included at Thom 77:2-3." - The Complete Gospels, Robert J. Miller (Ed.), p 328
"Greek Thomas 30a and 30b are split up and widely separated in Coptic Thomas (as 30 and 77), but this is a matter of expansion and reordering in Coptic Thomas. The provable extent of Greek Thomas remains at 39 sayings. That others followed is quite possible, given the fragmentary nature of all three Oxy papyri, but their extent is not directly knowable." The Greek fragments of the Gospel of Thomas are now believed by many bible scholars to be the second edition of a much earlier independent source.
"The collection is independent of the intracanonical Gospels."
Comparisons with the Other Gospels
The three Oxyrhynchi fragments suggest that the "earlier form of this gospel existed in Greek in the latter half of the second century as a collection of the sayings of Jesus without any gnostic reinterpretation."
Coptic Thomas "contains one hundred and fourteen sayings and parables ascribed to Jesus; it has no narrative framework: no account of Jesus' trial, death, and resurrection; no birth or childhood stories, and no narrated account of his public ministry in Galilee and Judaea.
"The relationship between Thomas and Q does not appear to have been a 'literary' one. Among the reasons which argue against this view are the following:
- Kevin Johnson (CrossTalk)
"Nothing has seriously distorted or transformed those sayings in Thomas which have parallels in the synoptic gosples. In fact, overall, Thomas shows fewer signs of editorial modification than any of the New Testament gospels. Thomas contains none of the Christological developments introduced by the New Testament authors. Its wisdom-based conceptions are derived not from philosophical systematization but from simple equation of Jesus with wisdom, and of wisdom with the Kingdom of God."
There are other indications that the Gospel of Thomas preceeded the writing of the cannonical gospels:
- Kevin Johnson (CrossTalk) Arguments can be made, however, that the Gospel of Thomas did draw at least some of its material from the cannonical gospels themselves, not just an overlapping oral tradition.
"...The Gospel of Thomas knew and used at least some of the canonical Gospels, notably Matthew and Luke. Indeed, if the Gospel of Thomas used all Four Gospels, the frequency with which each gospel is used would roughly mirror what we see throughout the rest of 2d-century Christian literature of the Synoptics, Matthew is used most often, then Luke, and least of all Mark. Before the time of Irenaeus, John stands to one side, and in some writings we have at best weak echoes rather than clear citations or allusions. The tendency to conflate, reorder, and paraphrase Gospel sayings is likewise common in the 2d century." In June, 1998, members of the list server CrossTalk compared sayings in Coptic Thomas with those in Q to determine whether the form is closer to Matthew or to Luke. Votes were tallied and the results are as follows:
The vogue of Luke with Marcion and his many followers (half of Christendom according to some popular accounts) might then have set a fashion for Luke in other strands of Gnosticism as well, and in due course influenced the priorities of this conjectured segment. This might have taken place at some time after c. 160 in Rome and points north, that is, in Marcion's homeland and the area of his great confrontation, and perhaps post c. 200 in points south, such as Egypt, where both copies of Thomas were discovered." - E. Bruce Brooks (CrossTalk)
This saying is found in all the synoptic gospels but the proverbial sense is most apparent in the text from the Gospel of Thomas. Some scholars,therefore, think this version predates and and was the original inspiration for the passage in Mark. Others argue, however, that Thomas came later. "Fitzmyer claims that Thomas is dependent on Luke 4:24 (No prophet is accepted in his home town) since Greek Thomas has a word that is clearly a Lukan redaction of the saying in Mark. Both Luke and Thomas share
dektoV (acceptable/welcome). Luke appears to have substituted
dektoV for
atimoV (un- honoured) that he found in Mark and Matthew. The reason for Luke's redaction is simple - the word
dektoV is found in the Septuagint quotation from Isaiah that Luke has introduced in verse 4:19. Since the whole of Luke 4:16-30 appears to be a Lukan creation the fact that Thomas and Luke share the same form of the saying in 4:24 is one of the strongest examples available of Thomas taking over a synoptic redaction."
The Apostles James and Thomas
A "follower of Jesus called Jude or Judas (not Iscariot, of course)...had a bilingual nickname, 'the Twin', - Didymos in Greek and Thomas in Aramaic or Syriac."
"Didymus Judas Thomas...was revered in the Syrian church as an apostle (Matt 10:3; Mark 3:18; Luke 6:15; cf. John 11:16; 20:24; 21:2) and as the twin brother of Jesus (so claimed by the Acts of Thomas, a third-century C.E. work)."
"After his martyrdom in 62 C.E., the collection and maybe also its community, migrated to Syrian Edessa. There a second layer was added, possibly as early as the sixties or seventies, under the aegis of the Thomas authority."
Theology
"Thomas is rooted in the Jewish wisdom tradition, such as we find in Psalms and Proverbs. It is a wisdom gospel made up of the teachings of a sage. But it is moving off in the direction of gnostic speculation such as we find in later gnostic documents. In these respects. Thomas represents an early stage in Christian gospel writing and theologizing, quite comparable to what we find in the New Testament, especially in Paul and the Gospel of John."
"A good number of sayings in Thomas, at least, is historically Jewish. We have sayings about fasting, almsgiving, prayer (tradition signs of Jewish piety), dietary laws, usury, tribute money, circumcision(!), and the prophets; we have rabbinical phrases such as 'for whose sake heaven and earth came into being' and 'Sabbatizing the Sabbath.'" Whereas the Gospels of John and Matthew placed Jesus in the context of OT prophesy, the Gospel of Thomas emphasized the living Jesus.
(2) Other Early Texts (referred to on this site)
Gospel of the Hebrews
"...The Gospel of the Hebrews written sometime after 100, was subsequently lost; but it was in existence during the life of St. Jerome (347-420), who was the principal translator of the Vulgate edition of the Bible."
"The surviving fragments of the Gospel of the Hebrews do not give a clear indication of its genre, except that it contained narrative. We cannot tell whether GHeb 1 is a quotation or a summary, but if it is a quotation, it shows that is author worked extensive theological commentary into the narrative, which would make the Gospel of the Hebrews more like the Gospel of John than the synoptics. GHeb 4 takes the form of a first person report by Jesus himself, giving the reader a privileged insight into Jesus in much the same way as John does in presenting Jesus' final discourse (John 17)."
Similarities with the Gospel of Thomas [i.e., the contents of Logion 12] suggests "that the Gospel of the Hebrews made use of the Gospel of Thomas to create narrative. Or, more likely, that both the Gospel of the Hebrews and the Gospel of Thomas had access to some similar materials from oral tradition."
"The Gospel of the Hebrews has a distinctive christology. Christ and his mother both existed before their appearance on earth in human form (GHeb 1). At his baptism, Jesus is addressed as son, not by God, but by the spirit, which turns out to be his mother (GHeb 3,4). Jesus is not merely lead by the spirit (as in Luke's gospel). He is completely united with her: 'the whole fountain of the holy spirit came down and rested on him' (GHeb3)."
"This gospel's depiction of the holy spirit as female is striking. GHeb 4c, 4d, and 4e explain that the Semitic word for 'spirit' is feminine in gender, but this way of portraying the spirit is due to more than a peculiarity of Hebrew grammar. This distinctive depiction of the spirit is rooted in Jewish speculation about divine Wisdom, a female personification of one of God's attributes who was believed to dwell with 'holy souls'."
Odes of Solomon
"They were chanted a Capella in fulfillment of Paul's demand for 'speaking to one another with the word of Christ.' The odes, along with all favorable quotations about the harp or other instrument uses figurative speech to show that, in Christianity, God has given us the only instrument and the only songs which He will hear and honor."
Epistle of Barnabas: Sayings of Barnabas which have parallels in the New Testament include the following:
There are differences between Barnabas and the synoptic gospels, including the number of days until Jesus' ascension. The following verse justifies moving the Sabbath forward one day (Saturday to Sunday on our modern calendar):
Gospel of Peter
The biblical scholar John Dominic Crossan dates the account of the passion within the Gospel of Peter to the middle of the first century C.E. "5:15-6:21 [is] a section I judge independent of the New Testament Gospels. It explicitly refers to the Deuteronomic degree [that a corpse hanging on a tree be buried the same day] and presumes that those who crucified Jesus took him down from the cross and buried him in compliance with that biblical law." "Such a gospel was referred to by Serapion, Bishop of Antioch, In 190 A.u.; Origen, historian, in 253 A.D.; Eusebius, Bishop of Caesarea in 300 A.D.; Theodoret in 455 in his Religious History said that the Nazarenes used The Gospel According to Peter; and Justin Martyr includes the Memoirs of Peter in his "Apostolic Memoirs." Thus scholars have always recognized that such a document existed long ago, although its whereabouts and fate were a mystery until the discovery at Akhmim. "While in general the story of the trial and crucifixion that is revealed here follows that of the canonical gospels, in detail it is very different. This account is freer from constraint; and with the events between the burial and resurrection of our Lord, it is much more ample and detailed than anything in the canonical tradition.
"It is also interesting to note the prominence assigned to Mary Magdalene; and how this account tends to lay more responsibility on Herod and the people, while relieving Pilate somewhat of his share in the action that was taken. Also, the Resurrection and Ascension are here recorded not as separate events but as occurring on the same day." - From The Pseudepigrapha Books & Apocrypha Books
The Gospel of Philip
Shepherd of Hermas
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